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Memories of Aceh Chinese: We too remember, we too belong

  • Written by Chontida Auikool, PhD Candidate, Lund University
Memories of Aceh Chinese: We too remember, we too belong
20 years have passed since the Aceh tsunami, which left deep scars on Indonesia, especially for those directly affected. Aceh was also recovering from a three-decade armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement and the national government Throughout December 2024, The Conversation Indonesia, in collaboration with academics, is publishing a special edition honouring the 20 years of efforts to rebuild Aceh[1]. We hope this series of articles preserves our collective memory while inspiring reflection on the journey of recovery and peace in the land of ‘Serambi Makkah.’ In her 50s, Ci Mary (not her real name) made a difficult decision to leave Aceh this year to follow her son to Java for better career opportunities. Born and raised in Sigli, part of Pidie Regency, Ci Mary witnessed numerous changes in Aceh during the New Order dictatorship era[2] and after the 2004 tsunami[3] that devastated the province she called home. The Aceh Chinese, a subgroup of Chinese Indonesians, comprises less than 1% of the province’s population[4]. Their existence is almost forgotten, and their voices and stories are often excluded from national and local accounts. Space for Aceh Chinese remains limited, even in extensive scholarly works and local knowledge productions on Aceh, due to their ambiguous political status. The province’s unique political context further complicates their existence: Aceh’s history as an Islamic kingdom[5], its contested position within the Indonesian nation[6], and its status as a special autonomous region[7]. These factors collectively contribute to Aceh being widely perceived as an Islamic region governed entirely by Sharia law[8]. For my PhD ethnographic research, I have been exploring the overlooked memories of the Aceh Chinese. Living in a homestay in Banda Aceh with Aceh Chinese, I interacted with over 50 individuals and formed close connection with 20 Aceh Chinese, including Ci Mary. Her story offers a glimpse into the sub-ethnic group, highlighting the importance of memory in shaping identity and a yearning for belonging. Memories of Aceh from Aceh Chinese perspectives The Chinese connection with Aceh[9] dates back to trade long before the Dutch consolidated their power in the region in the 19th century. As the Dutch expanded economic activities in Sumatra, waves of Chinese migration to Aceh[10] from China and other parts of Indonesia followed. Over time, their descendants, born and raised in the region, came to regard Aceh as their home, integrating deeply into local society. However, the memories of the Aceh Chinese during periods of crisis and the armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Indonesian government[11] are rarely the focus of public narratives. The state often neglects ethnoreligious minorities in conflict resolution, a tendency shaped by colonial legacies that entrenched the idea of autochthony — a sense of being “native” with an inherent claim to the land[12]. The pribumi (native) versus non-pribumi dichotomy and the concept of putra daerah (children of the region)[13] exemplify this political consciousness. Ci Mary’s story provides insight into the collective memories of the Aceh Chinese. When Chinese schools were forcibly closed during the New Order regime[14], her father, a Mandarin teacher, lost his teaching position. Like most Chinese Indonesians of her generation, Ci Mary does not speak Mandarin but is fluent in another dialect group, Hakka, along with Acehnese and Indonesian. Deeply embedded in the local community, she formed close friendships with Acehnese neighbours and married her late husband, an Aceh Chinese man whose stepmother was called “Mama Aceh.” Map of Indonesia covering the districts of Aceh Besar, Banda Aceh and Sabang Island and several surrounding islands in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam Province
Located in a coastal town, Sigli is one of the areas deeply affected by the 2004 Aceh Tsunami. KARITING PICAH/Shutterstock[15]

Together, Ci Mary and I visited Sigli to pay respects at her family’s tombs in 2022. Most of her relatives were buried there, but this was her first visit to the graveyard since the 2004 tsunami — a life-changing event that prompted her migration to Banda Aceh. The ruins and neglect of many graves silently revealed signs of tragedy, the passage of time, and the absence of familial care. This contrasts with the graves in Banda Aceh, which receive more attention.

Mass emigration

Sigli’s neglected graveyard reflects the trajectory and loss of the Aceh Chinese. Over Indonesia’s history, many Aceh Chinese left the region due to a series of major events: Sukarno’s 1959 policy[16] restricting foreigners’ small trade and retail activities, disproportionately targeting the Chinese; the 1966 military directives[17] linking the Chinese population to the alleged Indonesia Communist Party coup attempt; the 2004 earthquake and tsunami; the prolonged conflict[18] between GAM and the Indonesian government lasting from 1976 to 2005; and the enactment of Aceh’s special autonomy under Sharia law[19].

These events reshaped the community and the destinies of its members.

Today, my ethnographic research and conversations with Aceh Chinese in Sigli found that only around 20 Aceh Chinese families remain in town. Emigration continues, driven by limited social and economic opportunities. The younger generation, in particular, leaves Aceh to pursue education and often builds a future elsewhere.

View of a village accompanied by rice fields in Sigli, Aceh, Indonesia Only 20 Chinese families stay in Sigli as younger people seek economic opportunities outside of Aceh. Wak Ded/Shutterstock[20]

Ci Mary, however, remains deeply connected to Aceh, identifying herself as both Chinese Indonesian and Orang Aceh. Having strong ties to Aceh and the Acehnese community, she recalls that while many Aceh Chinese paid taxation to GAM[21] during the conflict, her family was spared. Nevertheless, she observed that the Aceh Chinese occupy a liminal space — neither fully insiders nor outsiders. This ambiguity leaves them uncertain about their rightful place in the region.

The loss of Ci Mary’s daughter and father during the tsunami permanently altered her life. Although raised in a devout Buddhist family, Ci Mary has sought solace and strength in God as she navigates a new spiritual path in Christianity. This journey has become a refuge and a source of healing.

While Ci Mary’s memories are personal, they reflect collective memories of the Aceh Chinese. Like many others, Ci Mary feared the uncertainty and violence of the time. She, too, lost loved ones to the ghostly wave. Her life has been profoundly linked to Indonesia’s social and political forces and its unexpected challenges.

Sharia Law and negotiated belonging

Vihara in Banda Aceh Buddhists in Banda Aceh celebrated Chinese New Year with prayer rituals and burning incense at the Dharma Bhakti Vihara on February 10, 2024. Mardili/Shutterstock[22]

Memory plays a powerful role in shaping identity and belonging. The way society remembers — or chooses to forget — determines who belongs and where. This process, often shaped by authorities and institutions, influences how we imagine ourselves, others, and our nations[23].

Society’s memory is selective and inherently political, particularly for minorities whose fragmented recollections challenge dominant narratives[24], offering alternative ways of navigating identity and belonging.

Despite political shifts and the implementation of Sharia law, which governs daily life and imposes restrictions based on Islamic values, the Aceh Chinese continue to live in the region but not without challenges. Though Sharia law is said not to apply to non-Muslims, its impacts are pervasive. The laws and Islamic values ingrained in society establish social and political boundaries, often rendering non-Muslims as “outsiders”[25].

Non-Muslim cultural and religious events still occur in private spaces, under permission and protection, such as Christmas celebrations[26] and Buddhist rites[27]. However, building new churches or temples[28] is nearly impossible due to strict regulations and suspicion.

The Aceh Chinese negotiate their presence individually and collectively. Associations such as Yayasan Hakka Banda Aceh collaborate with state[29] and non-state actors[30]. Meanwhile, my research shows that individuals practise subtle forms of resistance, maintaining their cultural presence through nuanced, quiet expressions of identity.

As I converse with Aceh Chinese for my research, I find them aspire to contribute to Aceh’s future, envisioning a peaceful place for their descendants. Yet much work remains to achieve sustainable peace and inclusivity. Addressing these challenges requires moving beyond superficial tolerance and multiculturalism towards meaningful justice and equality.

This year, Ci Mary bade farewell to her home. Yet, her memories of Aceh and the emotional connections to its land and people remain.

References

  1. ^ 20 years of efforts to rebuild Aceh (theconversation.com)
  2. ^ New Order dictatorship era (www.degruyter.com)
  3. ^ the 2004 tsunami (theconversation.com)
  4. ^ comprises less than 1% of the province’s population (www.degruyter.com)
  5. ^ an Islamic kingdom (www.jstor.org)
  6. ^ contested position within the Indonesian nation (www.eastwestcenter.org)
  7. ^ a special autonomous region (academic.oup.com)
  8. ^ Islamic region governed entirely by Sharia law (www.thejakartapost.com)
  9. ^ The Chinese connection with Aceh (www.persee.fr)
  10. ^ waves of Chinese migration to Aceh (books.google.se)
  11. ^ crisis and the armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Indonesian government (www.hrw.org)
  12. ^ autochthony — a sense of being “native” with an inherent claim to the land (journals.sagepub.com)
  13. ^ dichotomy and the concept of putra daerah (children of the region) (www.cambridge.org)
  14. ^ Chinese schools were forcibly closed during the New Order regime (ink.library.smu.edu.sg)
  15. ^ KARITING PICAH/Shutterstock (www.shutterstock.com)
  16. ^ Sukarno’s 1959 policy (www.taylorfrancis.com)
  17. ^ the 1966 military directives (journals.sagepub.com)
  18. ^ the prolonged conflict (www.sup.org)
  19. ^ Sharia law (academic.oup.com)
  20. ^ Wak Ded/Shutterstock (www.shutterstock.com)
  21. ^ paid taxation to GAM (www.refworld.org)
  22. ^ Mardili/Shutterstock (www.shutterstock.com)
  23. ^ how we imagine ourselves, others, and our nations (books.google.co.id)
  24. ^ fragmented recollections challenge dominant narratives (link.springer.com)
  25. ^ rendering non-Muslims as “outsiders” (www.researchgate.net)
  26. ^ Christmas celebrations (www.kabaraktual.id)
  27. ^ Buddhist rites (www.antaranews.com)
  28. ^ building new churches or temples (jiis.uinsby.ac.id)
  29. ^ state (diskominfo.bandaacehkota.go.id)
  30. ^ non-state actors (www.gerakaceh.id)

Authors: Chontida Auikool, PhD Candidate, Lund University

Read more https://theconversation.com/memories-of-aceh-chinese-we-too-remember-we-too-belong-245356

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